In protest to the Indian presence, a resurrected JVP orchestrates a second armed uprising.
Sources
Tisaranee Gunasekara (1999): Insurrectionary Violence in Sri Lanka: The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurgencies of 1971 and 1987-1989, , Ethnic Studies Report, ICES, Vol. XVII, No. 1, January 1999; Prins Gunasekara (1998): Sri Lanka in Crisis: A Lost Generation – The Untold Story.
Quotations
“In 1971 the JVP started off by attacking police stations. The second time around the starting point was lethal violence against radical left leaders and activists. In 1971 the JVP in the main targeted members of the police and the armed forces; though there were civilian killings, they were few in number. In 1987-89 the JVP gave priority to the killing of civilians—be it political rivals or simple citizens who disobeyed their innumerable orders and fatwahs. In 1971 it was the regime which branded even non/anti-JVP leftists ‘insurgents’ and imprisoned them – LSSP MP, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, breakaway SLFPer S D Bandaranaike and the leader of the Maoist Ceylon Communist Party, N Shanmugathasan being the best known examples. In 1987-89 the JVP branded leftists with proven anti-government/UNP credentials ‘traitors’ and targeted them and murdered quite a few. The contrast in political behaviour displayed in 1971 and 1987-90 demonstrates the contrasting character of the two insurrections”. Tisaranee Gunasekara (1999): Insurrectionary Violence in Sri Lanka: The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurgencies of 1971 and 1987-1989, , Ethnic Studies Report, ICES, Vol. XVII, No. 1, January 1999.
“Their anti-Indianism was extended more to the field of trade and commerce sanctions, an embargo on India exported/produced goods, than in the fighting field. The DJV [the armed wing of the JVP and headed by a politburo member, Saman Piyasiri Fernando, who was known as ‘Keerthi Wijayabahu’] banned the use of even India-manufactured drugs and medicine or anything imported from that country. The DJV/JVP are credited with the killing of Gladys Jayewardene, sister-in-law of President Jayewardene, Chairperson of the Pharmaceutical Corporation. Her crime: not adhering to the JVP/DJV order not to import Indian medicine… They (the JVP) would have even formed a united front with Premadasa to fight the bogey of the ‘Indian invaders’—the IPKF, as Chiang Kai Shek was compelled to join with the Maoist Communists, in fighting the Japanese invasion. Yet the hawks in the JVP/DJV combine appear to have been busy planning the assassination of their political dissidents— University Professors, University students, media employees, Buddhist monks in sympathy with the government and trade unionists who disagreed with them…” Prins Gunasekara (1998): Sri Lanka in Crisis: A Lost Generation – The Untold Story.
“While anti-Indianism was supposed to be the raison d’être of the JVP’s second insurgency, none of the JVP’s targets and victims were from the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). The JVP’s anti-Indian struggle was launched entirely against Sri Lankans (and Sinhalese in particular); its targets and victims were exclusively Sri Lankan from UNP politicians to radical left activists; from policemen to soldiers; from bus drivers who refused to obey the JVP’s constant strike orders to voters who disregarded the JVP ban and went out to vote. None of the targets, none of the victims were from the IPKF”. Tisaranee Gunasekara (1999): Insurrectionary Violence in Sri Lanka: The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurgencies of 1971 and 1987-1989, Ethnic Studies Report, ICES, Vol. XVII, No. 1, January 1999.
Related events
JVP is formed
JVP ignites armed insurrection; thousands killed
Rohana Wijeweera delivers speech before the Criminal Justice Commission
JVP participates in the District Development Council (DDC) elections
Government forces capture and kill JVP leader
PAC programme said,
“The youth was affected the most. Girls couldn’t walk on the roads. The students were taken away for protesting. The school was closed for 6 months and an army camp was set up in the school for 3 months. My son was not so old at the time of the insurrection but since he was tall for his age, I used to always bathe him whenever they came looking for him so that they would leave us alone. There were days that I used to bathe him more than 5 times a day! I would tell them that I was bathing my son, pretending that he was very young.” Woman from Gonadeniya, Hambantota talking about how the Southern insurrection impacted on their lives.
Source: Moving Out of Poverty in Conflict Affected Areas, Poverty and Conflict programme, 2006.
PAC programme said,
“There were outsiders in our village, we had to mind our own business. We suffered a lot during the insurrection. Since we were told not to light lamps in our houses we had to cover them with the kulla to feed our children. Our local school teacher, we called him ‘Kodikara sir’, was killed during this time. So was the principal of the school, ‘Jayawickrama sir’”. Male respondent from Gonadeniya, Hambantota talking about how the second Southern insurrection impacted on their lives.
Source: Moving Out of Poverty in Conflict Affected Areas, Poverty and Conflict programme, 2006.
PAC programme said,
“Our livelihoods were badly affected by the conflict. People couldn’t think of earning a living or making profits. The only thing in their minds was survival. Kaapu kaama pichchennne nathi kaalayak thibuna. People went in hiding the entire time and the lands were just abandoned. In the beginning they were able to work during the day and went to their homes at night. Nowadays people peel the cinnamon [kurundu thalanawa, a popular livelihood for the area] until ten or eleven in the night. But then no one worked past four in the afternoon. Later, even this became impossible, when even the daylight did not provide safety.”
“We had to leave everything that we had to save our lives from those murderers. We just fled, not bothering about our livelihoods or our property. No livelihood was spared, everything was affected and abandoned for months and in some cases years. Cinnamon peeling was highly affected. There were reports of mothers and daughters raped in broad daylight while peeling cinnamon. After these incidents people were too scared to go out to the lands and work.”
Perspectives of Sinhalese workers reflecting on their experiences of the second Southern insurrection. Source: Moving Out of Poverty in Conflict Affected Areas, Poverty and Conflict programme, 2006.
PAC programme said,
“People who covered their faces with goni billas [gunny sacks] used to stay near schools and nod their heads to indicate those students who were allegedly involved in the insurrection. These people were informants who worked for the police or the army. All they had to do was give the nod and someone would disappear without a trace. No one would know what happened to them. This became the story that mothers told to scare their children: if you are bad the goni billas will get you”. Male respondent from Hambantota talking about the second Southern insurrection.
Source: Moving Out of Poverty in Conflict Affected Areas, Poverty and Conflict programme, 2006.