With the civil war coming to a close, an entire generation of young people now has the chance to experience relative peace. But what does this mean to young people who have grown up only knowing war? The second part of our documentary series presents perspectives of youth from more rural communities in Sri Lanka, speaking on their experiences of conflict and their ideas for moving forward.

Through these documentaries, we seek to give different narratives a voice and contribute to Sri Lanka’s post conflict social discourse.

“What an illusion we’re living in…”
Duration 30 mins.

Previous features
Feature: Do we really want to live like this?
Feature: Historical roots and contemporary causes of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: 18th anniversary of expulsion of northern Muslims by LTTE
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

This 30 minute documentary is a collection of young Sri Lankan voices, speaking on their experiences of conflict and their ideas for moving forward. It is from the first phase of an ongoing project carried out by the Poverty and Conflict (PAC) programme at the Centre for Poverty Analysis.

With over 25 years of civil war coming to a close, an entire generation of young people now has the chance to experience relative peace. But what does this mean for people who have grown up only knowing war? Sri Lanka’s conflict has defined their lives, resulting in lost childhoods, disrupted education, restricted freedom, heightened insecurity, and a narrowing of aspirations.

In its first part, the project focuses on more urban youth voices, and in the second, the project will speak to youth from more rural communities in Sri Lanka. The third stage of the project will focus on the comparison between the views of these groups and reflections by the production team on the process of making these documentaries.

Through this reflexive and evolving process it is hoped that different narratives of the conflict and its impacts will be given a voice, and that they will feed into Sri Lanka’s wider social discourse following the end of the war.

“Do we really want to live like this?
Duration 30 mins.

Earlier features
Feature: Historical roots and contemporary causes of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: 18th anniversary of expulsion of northern Muslims by LTTE
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

“I strongly believe that this country belongs to the Sinhalese but there are minority communities and we treat them like our people. We being the majority of the country, 75%, we will never give in and we have the right to protect this country. … They can live in this country with us. But they must not try to, under the pretext of being a minority, demand undue things,” Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, in an interview with Stewart Bell of the National Post newspaper of Canada, 23 September 2008.

PACT’s overall purpose is to examine the root causes and contributory factors of conflict in Sri Lanka and to promote discussion on these themes. In the coming months, the PACT team will invite various individuals, including academics, journalists and historians, to give their perspectives on these topics and in turn we’ll ask you to give your reactions.

PACT’s overall purpose is to examine the root causes and contributory factors of conflict in Sri Lanka and to promote discussion on these themes. Many commentators are calling for the root causes of conflict to be addressed in a meaningful way. They argue that even if the LTTE is defeated militarily, the underlying conflict will continue until the addressal of these critical issues. Indeed, these issues existed long before the LTTE emerged as an armed militant group.

What are these root causes, are they still relevant and what should be done about them? This feature seeks to unpack some of these issues.

The controversial statement above made by Army Commander Lt. General Sarath Fonseka raises issues of origin and a supremacist ideology that has roots, according to our first commentator Lakshman Gunesekara, going back some 500 or even 1,000 years. The former editor of the Sunday Observer talks to the PACT team about his views on the historical and contemporary causes of conflict in Sri Lanka and about racism in Sri Lanka, past and present.

Dr. Farzana Haniffa is an anthropologist and senior lecturer at the University of Colombo. She talks to the PACT team about how the roots of conflict in Sri Lanka have impacted upon the Muslim polity, and on Muslim nationalism and identity.

Dr. Pradeep Jeganathan is a social anthropologist whose research interests range from subaltern nationalism, to the perpetration of violence and its survival. He has published extensively on these subjects. The second edition of Unmaking the Nation: The Politics of Identity and History in Modern Sri Lanka (1995) ), which he co-edited with Qadri Ismail, was published in April, 2009. Dr. Jeganathan has held professorial appointments and fellowships at the Universities of Chicago and Minnesota, The New School’s Graduate Faculty, Delhi University and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies. He talks about the importance of examining Sri Lanka’s colonial past when looking at the roots of conflict in Sri Lanka.

Sunil Bastian is principally a researcher whose central focus of study is political economy, with a broad interest in the political economy of the state. Sunil also works as a consultant for various donors, more recently on their programmes on conflict. In our interview with him, he examines Sri Lanka’s conflict through the lens of the nature of the state.

Earlier features
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: 18th anniversary of expulsion of northern Muslims by LTTE
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

Sources
Top Sri Lankan editor shot dead, BBC, 8 January  2009; Grievous blow to Sri Lankan media, BBC, 8 January 2009; Sri Lankan newspaper editor shot dead, The Guardian, 8 January 2009; ‘We know who is behind my death’: Sri Lankan editor continues fight from grave, The Guardian, 13 January 2009.

Quotations

“We find ourselves in the midst of a civil war ruthlessly prosecuted by protagonists whose bloodlust knows no bounds. Terror, whether perpetrated by terrorists or the state, has become the order of the day. Indeed, murder has become the primary tool whereby the state seeks to control the organs of liberty. Today it is the journalists, tomorrow it will be the judges. For neither group have the risks ever been higher or the stakes lower,” Lasantha Wickrematunge.

“The LTTE is among the most ruthless and bloodthirsty organisations to have infested the planet. There is no gainsaying that it must be eradicated. But to do so by violating the rights of Tamil citizens, bombing and shooting mercilessly, is not only wrong but shames the Sinhalese, whose claim to be custodians of the dhamma is for ever called into question by this savagery – much of it unknown to the public because of censorship,” Lasantha Wickrematunge.

“I believe it is my duty not to accept anything the government tells us at face value and it is especially our duty not to allow the press in Sri Lanka to be brow-beaten or censored. We need to tell the outside world about the horrific nature of the war in which we are currently involved,” Lasantha Wickrematunge.

“When finally I am killed, it will be the government that kills me. In the wake of my death I know you will make all the usual sanctimonious noises and call upon the police to hold a swift and thorough inquiry. But like all the inquiries you have ordered in the past, nothing will come of this one, too. For truth be told, we both know who will be behind my death,” Lasantha Wickrematunge.

“My government and I most vehemently and unequivocally condemn the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of the Sunday Leader, which took place yesterday. I am both grieved and shocked by his tragic death as Mr. Wickrematunge was a close friend of mine who I have known for many years as a courageous journalist. This heinous crime points to the grave dangers faced by the democratic social order of our country, and the existence of forces that will go to the furthest extremes in using terror and criminality to damage our social fabric and bring disrepute to the country. It is significant that such an attack was carried out at a time when the country is gaining repeated victories over the forces of terrorism, in our efforts to establish freedom and democracy throughout the country,” statement made by President Rajapakse.

“Sri Lanka has lost one of its more talented, courageous and iconoclastic journalists. President Mahinda Rajapaksa, his associates and the government media are directly to blame because they incited hatred against him and allowed an outrageous level of impunity to develop as regards violence against the press. Sri Lanka’s image is badly sullied by this murder, which is an absolute scandal and must not go unpunished,” Reporters Without Borders.

Opinion
The murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge and Sri Lanka’s future, groundviews, 8 January 2009; And then they came for me, Sunday Leader, 11 January 2009.

Over the weekend, the BBC’s World Service asked the actor Bill Nighy to read Lasantha Wickrematunge’s final editorial for its Newshour programme.

“You will have no choice but to protect my killers”, Newshour, BBC World Service

Related events
29 April 2005
2 July 2006
9 January 2007
23 May 2008
2 January 2009
6 January 2009

Other features
Feature: Historical roots of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: LTTE expels northern Muslims, 1990
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

On 10 November 2006, Nadarajah Raviraj, human rights activist and parliamentarian, was assassinated in Colombo. Two years on, PACT looks at his life and work and also other notable Sri Lankan activists killed for speaking out.

We invite you to contribute your views and ask, is activism dead in Sri Lanka?

Nadarajah Raviraj (1962-2006)

“I go for TV interviews with my broken Sinhala not to gain political mileage – none of the Tamils watch those – but to build an understanding with the Sinhalese people and to tell them about the plight of the Tamils,” Nadarajah Raviraj.

Kethesh Loganathan (1952-2006)

“At the time of his death ‘Ketheesh’ was Deputy Secretary-General of the Peace Secretariat and Secretary of the APRC. This makes him appear as a pro-government “establishment” man. The eulogies heaped on him by the “government guys” reinforce this impression. This is perhaps the unkindest cut of all,” D.B.S. Jeyaraj.

Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam (1944-1999)

“Tiruchelvam had sharp and firm convictions. His commitment to reconciliation and to radical, but peaceful change set him at odds with those whose positions were more entrenched.” Excerpt from The Times obituary.

Richard de Zoysa (1958-1990)

“Even though there were crude attempts to justify the killing – leaks about him belonging to the JVP, readings in Parliament from his diary in an attempt to suggest that his sexual proclivities had something to do with the death – in the end it was crystal clear that the government had gone too far,” Rajiva Wijesinha.

Dr. Rajani Thiranagama (1954-1989)

“One day some gun will silence me and it will not be held by an outsider, but by the son born in the womb of this very society, from a woman with whom my history is shared,” Rajani Thiranagama.

Vijaya Kumaratunga (1945-1988)

“In 1986, at the height of the ethnic conflict 6 policemen were taken hostage by the LTTE. It was Vijaya Kumaratunga who went to Jaffna to intervene and secure their release,” Kumar Rupesinghe.

Activists suggested by PACT users:

K. Kanthasamy (1930-1988)

“If we cannot carry on as a free organisation we should close it down,” K. Kanthasamy writing about the relief and rehabilitation organisation in which he worked, shortly before his abduction and disappearance in 1988. Kanthasamy also helped set up the Jaffna-based Saturday Review to (in his
own words) “lend its voice against any human rights violations in the country”.

Audio commentary

Traitors, martyrs or patriots?
Interview series with academic and activist, Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe.

Part 1: Kethesh Loganathan [Audio clip: view full post to listen]
Part 2: Neelan Tiruchelvam [Audio clip: view full post to listen]
Part 3: Nadarajah Raviraj and Vijaya Kumaratunga [Audio clip: view full post to listen]

Other features
Feature: Historical roots of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: 18th anniversary of expulsion of northern Muslims by LTTE
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

Sources
The Politics Of Destruction & The Human Tragedy, Report No. 6, 4 February 1991: The Expulsion And Expropriation Of Muslims In The North, UTHR (J); Muslim Refugees: The Forgotten People in Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Conflict, S. H. Hasbullah (2001); Sri Lanka’s Muslims: Out in the Cold, The Hindu, 31 July 2007; A Timely and Prudent Step by the LTTE, Frontline, Volume 19 – Issue 12, June 8-21, 200.

Extracts from UTHR (J) report
“But in every way Muslims and Tamils in the North had been traditionally totally integrated into local life as interdependent communities. There were Muslim traders, tailors, iron mongers, labourers and scholars. More recently, several of them took to farming in the Killinochchi area. As part of the arena of culture and scholarship, Muslims formed an important component of the University of Jaffna. There was no conflict at all.

“By the end of September, the Muslims in Chavakacheri were warned that they should be prepared for an expulsion order. Following the end of the first week in October, a very senior LTTE leader visited Vakarai in the Batticaloa district in the East where anti-Muslim feeling was rife following recent incidents. This strongly suggests that the LTTE regarded some major action against Muslims as a means of regaining its tattered credibility in the East. On 15th October, Muslims in Chavakacheri were asked to leave the peninsula. They were forced out without being able to carry hard earned valuable items such as fridges and fans. The following report was given by sources from that area:

“The Muslims’ houses were looted and ransacked and they were treated in the most brutal manner. In effect, the liberators behaved like an invading army on the binge. The LTTE cadre pocketed whatever article, such as scent bottles, that they could pocket. In one house, the koorai (bridal attire) of a young lady, married on 30th June, was removed. The owners had been asked to vacate their houses, leaving the woman of the house in charge when the LTTE came to take the inventory. One man had taken his wife leaving a 60 year old lady behind. When asked, he replied, ‘Since they are behaving like an invading army, like the IPKF and the Sri Lankan army, there is no guarantee that my wife would be safe’. …

“On the 24th at 4.00 p.m, the LTTE made a public announcement by loud-speaker: “All Muslims living in Mannar island should leave by 28th October. Before leaving, they must seek permission and clearance at the LTTE Office. The LTTE will decide their exit route.”

“Most Tamils were utterly disturbed by this. A meeting of local citizens was arranged for the 25th morning. The Bishop who was at Madhu could not come. Those who met included Roman Catholic clergy, officials from Save the Children Fund, Christian laymen and other leading citizens. Following the meeting, a delegation went to see the local LTTE leader Suresh (former student, University of Jaffna) and asked for the order to be rescinded. …

“Each Muslim family was allowed to take one sovereign of gold, Rs.2,000/- cash and five travel bags per family. Printed forms were given for clearance.

“The Muslims from Puthukudiruppu, Tharapuram, Uppukulam and Erukkalampiddy were taken to the beach at a place near Erukkalampiddy known as `Five Coconut Trees’, and were left there until they could find boats. They had to spend nights in the open in rainy weather with no conveniences and no boutique to obtain food and water. On the 28th the MARR (Mannar Association for Refugee Rehabilitation) purchased all the bread baked in Mannar and obtained the LTTE’s permission to take bread and water to the Muslims. Over three days, the Muslims made their exit to Kalpitiya, 60 miles South, by sea. Boats owned by Muslim fishermen in Mannar and Kalpitiya were used. The journey was often hazardous in crowded boats. There was at least one case of a parent numbed by cold, dropping a child into the sea and not knowing it for some time. To the old and the sickly, who had not known any place in the world, but Mannar island, the emotional and physical strain of the removal may prove fatal.”

Quotations
“I made an apology to the Muslim people that what has happened in the past has to be forgotten, that we are willing to talk to them and resolve their problems. [The Tamil territory in the North and East] belongs to the Muslim people also,” LTTE’s political adviser Anton Balasingham, Press Conference, 10 April 2002.

“The rapprochement between the LTTE and the SLMC has certain significant elements which are very progressive. They have realised the inevitable need to engage the SLMC in order to resolve their problems. That is somewhat comforting, although we have not made an emotional response to the statement they have made of late. We have told them unequivocally that we are prepared to forgive and not forget the past in the hope that they will be sincere in their attitude towards Muslims. We have bitter memories of the past. But it is time we contended with the ground realities. That would mean that the LTTE also has to look at Muslims and their separate political identity as something that has become quite pronounced over a period of time,” Rauff Hakeem, Leader of SLMM, 23 May 2003.

Related events
LTTE mosque attack in Batticoloa leaves 116 people dead
LTTE attacks Muttur, displacing thousands of Muslims

Other features
Feature: Historical roots of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: “Black July”, 1983

Sources and quotations

“Eye witnesses and victims reported that on the streets cars were stopped by gangs and the people inside were asked whether they were Sinhalese or Tamil. Some Sinhalese words are extremely difficult for people who do not speak the language fluently to pronounce, people were tested by being made to pronounce these words. The mobs were also demanding to see identity cards to establish whether or not people were Tamils… People identified as Tamils as a result of the questioning were told to get out of their cars and their cars were set alight… In cases where any resistance was offered, killings were likely to take place… It was reported by many people that in some instances students from Buddhist schools followed on behind the first rioters and that some Buddhist monks were seen amongst the gangs.” Patricia Hyndman, Senior Lecturer in Law, University of New South Wales and Secretary, Lawasia Human Rights Standing Committee Report – Democracy in Peril, June 1985.

“A tourist told yesterday how she watched in horror as a Sinhala mob deliberately burned alive a bus load of Tamils… Mrs. Eli Skarstein, back home in Stavanger, Norway, told how she and her 15 year old daughter, Kristin, witnessed one massacre. “A mini bus full of Tamils were forced to stop in front of us in Colombo” she said. A Sinhalese mob poured petrol over the bus and set it on fire. They blocked the car door and prevented the Tamils from leaving the vehicle. “Hundreds of spectators watched as about 20 Tamils were burned to death”. Mrs. Skarstein added: “We cannot believe the official casualty figures. Hundreds may be thousands must have been killed already.” London Daily Express, 29th August 1983.

“Considerably more people died during the recent violence in Sri Lanka than the 380 deaths the government there has admitted to, according to an aid organisation. Dr. Sjef Teuns, General Secretary of Novib, the leading private development aid organisation in the Netherlands, said between 1000 and 2000 people lost their lives. He returned to Netherland on Saturday. He accused the Sri Lanka government of serious human rights violations against the Tamil population and called the Dutch government to reconsider its development aid policy towards the country.” The Times of London, 22 August 1983.

“Our view is that the July holocaust was a pre-planned, well-orchestrated genocidal pogrom against the Tamils, carried out by the racial elements of the ruling party. Initially, these racist elements did attempt to put the whole blame on the LTTE. Then, suddenly, they blamed the left parties for the riots. But in fact, it is the racist leaders of the present government who should take responsibility for this tragic loss of life.” Velupillai Pirapaharan, Leader of Tamil Eelam in an interview with Anita Pratap, March 1984.

“It is relevant to mention the gruesome massacre of 53 Tamil prisoners in the Welikade jail in Colombo on July 25 and 27 last year. Many of them were only detainees on suspicion and not convicted prisoners. After they were brutally murdered, their wives, sisters, children and parents came to know about their death only through the radio. Much more terrible was the fact that the bodies of these detainees were buried or cremated without any member of the families knowing or being present. They were not even given the chance of having a last look at the body. No amount of sanctimonious expressions of sorrow or statements made before the Commission that the Sri Lankan Government was not proud of what happened at the Colombo jail would be acceptable to the civilised world, when up to date, the government has failed or neglected or refused to order an independent judicial inquiry into this unprecedented slaughter of those who were in the custody of the Government.” Statement by All India Womens Conference at UN Sub Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, 24 August 1984.

“Three weeks ago, the people of Sri Lanka passed through experiences which they have rarely had in this country since Independence. Hundreds of people lost their lives, thousands lost their jobs, houses were burned, factories destroyed. These events applied equally to all citizens of Sri Lanka – Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims…. I had been advised that I should say this or something else, but I thought that I should speak from the depth of my conscience…” President Jayawardene, 22nd of August 1983.

“This was part of an international conspiracy to destabilise us. We know who are behind it at all. I have even told the nation this… These people are jealous of the success of our experiments with a free economy. That is why they are trying their best to set us in flames. Behind all this is the foreign hand: the KGB, to be precise. I am not afraid of saying this openly.” Anandatissa de Alwis, Minister of State, Interview by Pritish Nandy, Illustrated Weekly of India, 18 December 1983.

Interview by Anita Pratap with Velupillai Pirabakaran, leader of the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam, March 1984, Sunday Magazine, India 11-17 March 1984:
Q: “The Liberation Tiger for Tamil Eelam (LTTE) staged the 23 July 1983 ambush in which 13 Sinhalese soldiers were killed. The ambush was allegedly the reason for the Sinhalese retaliation on innocent Tamils. Did you expect such a massive retaliation?”

A:”The July violence should not be assessed simply as a Sinhala retaliation for the guerrilla ambush. This view is a gross oversimplification of the event. The island has been plagued with anti-Tamil racial violence which erupts periodically over the years. There were violent racial holocausts even before the emergence of our movement. Violent riots erupted in Trincomalee a couple of weeks before the ambush. Therefore, the phenomenon of anti-Tamil racial violence cannot be traced to a single event. We are engaged in a protracted guerrilla warfare. There has been several guerrilla raids, several ambushes,, and we have killed several Sinhala soldiers and policemen The July ambush was only a part of the warfare we are engaged in. It is incorrect to assume that one particular military operation has precipitated the entire violence. The July riots, you would have certainly observed, was not aimed at the physical extermination of our people but it was also aimed the destruction of the economic power base of the Tamils in Colombo. Our view is that the July holocaust was a pre-planned, well- orchestrated genocidal pogrom against the Tamils, carried out by the racial elements of the ruling party. Initially, these racist elements did attempt to put the whole blame on the Tiger. Then, suddenly they blamed the left parties for the riots. But in actual fact, it is the racist leaders of the present government who should be the responsibility for this tragic loss of life and property of our people.”

Related events
Tigers kill 13 soldiers in armed ambush
Anti-Tamil violence spreads around the country
Anti-Tamil riots causes civilian deaths and displacement
31 May 1981
Tigers attack international airport

Other features
Feature: Historical roots of conflict in Sri Lanka
Feature: Assassination of an activist
Feature: LTTE expels northern Muslims, 1990